Speech by Tibor Zenker, Chairman of the Party of Labour of Austria (PdA), at the October Revolution celebration, Vienna, 10 November 2023.

　　Dear comrades,dear friends, 

　　The Great October Socialist Revolution was and is a world-historical event that changed the fate of humanity forever. It is in no way just a past episode that is only of interest to historians in retrospect. The October Revolution has lasting relevance for the present and the future, regardless of the counter-revolution in the USSR. I would like to set out in eight theses what significance it has for us as communists, for scientific socialism.

　　(1) We are living in the epoch of humanity’s transition from capitalism to socialism. 

　　The victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia in 1917 was the practical expression of the fact that a new epoch in human history had dawned. We are living in the epoch of humanity’s transition from capitalism to socialism. With the victory of the October Revolution, the theoretical opposition between bourgeois ideology and communism has moved from the realm of ideology and political struggle to the level of state-political reality. Since 1917, the social and systemic antagonism has been a reality in political, social and economic practice. 

　　This fact is an absolute truth, despite the influence of revisionism in the world communist movement in the second half of the 20th century, despite the temporary setback for socialism in the USSR and Eastern Europe in 1989-90. The world revolutionary process is not a linear one leading directly to the final victory of the working class and socialism. Despite all the efforts of the communists,countries with a socialist path of development may experience successful counterattacks by internal and international counterrevolution. From the very beginning, the USSR was threatened by the international counterrevolution with all available means. Socialism in the USSR and in Eastern Europe was able to resist these attacks for a long time, but ultimately not permanently, due to internal weakening, which was not least due to ideological and then practical deviations. But once the world communist movement has been defeated on one front, it has nothing to do but continue the revolutionary struggle with even more energy. 

　　The communist movement may have found itself in a temporary defensive position since 1989/90, especially in Europe.Imperialism is utilising this situation for a comprehensive re-development of its aggressive and repressive nature. But there is no doubt that it is precisely the conditions of imperialist oppression and exploitation that will bring the communists back onto the offensive. At present, the communists still have to regroup, analyse their previous experiences and prepare for the new offensive. Temporary setbacks such as 1989/90 are not a reason for resignation, but a reason to continue the revolutionary struggle. 

　　In this sense, the socialist October Revolution showed one thing above all: the working class can defeat the bourgeoisie and build its own society. Since 1917, the capitalists in particular have also realised this. When bourgeois ideologues today claim that the defeat of socialism in the USSR would mean the death of Marxism-Leninism and communism, they are primarily trying to reassure themselves. Because the world revolutionary process will inevitably continue in the 21st century. 

　　The epoch of the decline of imperialism and the victory of socialism may be a long epoch, which also implies interim setbacks for the revolutionary movement and socialism, but at its end will be the liberation of humanity from capitalism and its transition to socialism.

　　(2) The October Revolution has specific characteristics, but also generally valid, international principles for the revolutionary struggle. 

　　Scientific socialism recognises a number of principles, without the implementation of which a society cannot be described as socialist or communist. These decisive principles of the socialist revolution were set out by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. They were valid before the October Revolution, they were valid after the October Revolution - and they are valid today. These principles demand of the socialist revolution: the socialisation of the means of production; on this basis, the planned increase in productivity; thereby securing the material life of all people; the abolition of the exploitation of man by man; the overcoming of the division of society into classes; the elimination of wars from people’s lives; the gradual adaptation of people’s consciousness to the new social conditions. - The October Revolution and socialist construction in the USSR were also committed to these principles. 

　　In this sense, the October Revolution confirmed Marx’ and Engels’ general principles of socialism through its application. But the question that necessarily arises is whether and to what extent the October Revolution in Russia can be a continuing example for other countries. To what extent do new experiences and the practice of the October Revolution have general, international validity? 

　　Lenin opposed a mechanical transfer of the October Revolution to other countries. He always pointed out that the right path to socialist revolution can only be found by concretely analysing the situation in each country and only by taking into account all the specific characteristics. Nevertheless, Lenin also said that certain fundamental experiences of the October Revolution, which were confirmed by practice in Russia and the USSR, are absolutely universally valid for the struggle for socialism. This means that, in addition to its national characteristics, the October Revolution also contained important new general features that are applicable and utilisable, even indispensable, for the revolutionary struggle throughout the world. What are these basic features of the October Revolution that have general, international significance? - They are set out in the following points.

　　(3) Without a revolutionary party of the working class, the revolution cannot win. 

　　The victory of the October Revolution in Russia - and the simultaneous defeat of revolutionary movements at the end of and in the wake of the First World War in other countries, such as Austria - shows that the socialist revolution cannot be victorious without a revolutionary party of the working class. 

　　By the beginning of the First World War at the latest, it had become obvious that the parties of the Second International have being corroded by revisionism and reformism, opportunism and nationalism. These old socialdemocratic parties were neither willing nor able to lead the socialist revolution anywhere; in many places they were openly counterrevolutionary. In response to this truth, the parties of the Third, the Communist International were founded. These were to be truly Marxist, revolutionary, militant parties of the working class, parties of the type of the Russian Bolsheviks. This was because the necessary process of differentiation in the labour movement between social democracy and communism had already been anticipated in the Russian labour movement in 1903, with the Mensheviks taking the social democratic position and the Bolsheviks the revolutionary position. In this sense, it is not only due to the negative example, failure and betrayal of the social democratic parties of Western and Central Europe that communist parties were founded all over the world, but rather to the positive example of the Bolsheviks, under whose leadership the bourgeoisie of a country was actually defeated for the first time and the revolution defended. 

　　The existence of a revolutionary militant party of the working class, a Marxist-Leninist party, is no guarantee for the success and victory of the socialist revolution, but the absence of such a party is a sure guarantee for the failure or complete absence of revolutionary popular movements. 

　　According to the experience of the Bolsheviks, the Marxist-Leninist party must fulfil the following tasks: The Marxist-Leninist party is the most advanced and the constantly advancing section as well as the highest form of class organisation of the working class; in order to fulfil its historical mission of overcoming capitalism, the working class needs an independent political party which, by virtue of its insight into the social contexts and processes, gives aim and direction to the movement. In this sense, the Marxist-Leninist party is the conscious vanguard of the working class, it must stand on the firm foundation of Marxism-Leninism, it must tolerate neither opportunism nor revisionism in its ranks; its members must be trained and committed accordingly.The Marxist-Leninist party is also the organised vanguard of the working class, it must create appropriate forms of organisation for the working class, it must master all the necessary means and methods of struggle, it must base its activity on a clear revolutionary strategy and tactics; in this respect, too, the members must be trained and committed. The Marxist-Leninist party must be a clear class party, an internationalist and revolutionary militant party. Such an organisation and such an ideological basis will enable the party to lead the working class to and through the socialist revolution, to defend it successfully and to build socialism. No other party can accomplish these tasks, whether for lack of ability or unwillingness. 

　　The October Revolution clearly teaches that the creation, building and consolidation of a Marxist-Leninist party, a revolutionary militant party of the working class, are the primary prerequisites for the socialist revolution. If the activity of the Marxist-Leninist party is successful in organisational and ideological terms, the working class is enabled by its leadership not only to stand up to the bourgeoisie in the practice of class struggle, but above all to defeat it once and for all.

　　(4) Without the dictatorship of the proletariat, socialist construction is not possible. 

　　In political terms, the socialist revolution must mean the exercise of power by the proletariat, organised as ruling class. This rule of the working class, the dictatorship of the proletariat, must have a dual character: It must be democratic in a new way (for the workers), but at the same time it must be dictatorial towards the previous exploiting classes. The capitalists and landowners will not voluntarily leave the field but will fight with all means to regain their political and economic power. It is therefore the task of the new socialist state to hold down the old exploiting classes, i.e. to continue the class struggle under new conditions - if this is not done, the door would be opened to bourgeois sabotage and ultimately to counterrevolution. In view of the necessity of political and economic reorganisation, which, as Marx and Engels wrote, is only possible by means of “despotic” interventions in existing law, the development of socialist democracy is also progressing step by step. In the USSR, the constitution of 1936 finally provided the first comprehensive framework for a socialist democracy. 

　　The task of the proletarian revolution consists in the destruction of the old bourgeois ruling apparatus and its replacement by a state of a new type, by the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which is only a synonym for socialist or proletarian democracy. In this sense, the October Revolution and the USSR provided definitive proof of the correctness of Marx’, Engels’ and Lenin’s views on the transitional socialist state, whereas the reformist claims of the social democrats, which distorted Marxism, were refuted not only by the success of the Bolsheviks, but even more so by their own failure. Thus, since the victory of the October Revolution, it has been a general truth, proven by historical practice, that the road to socialism does not lead through bourgeois “democracy”, but the road to real democracy leads through the socialist revolution. 

　　The proof of the necessity of the destruction of the bourgeois state and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which according to Marx had already been demonstrated by the Paris Commune of 1871, was provided by the USSR with all the clarity of a successful practice. The attacks on the young Russian Soviet Republic and subsequently on the USSR impressively demonstrated that the internal and external counter-revolution was trying by all means to prevent a socialist path of development. In contrast, the socialist path of development can only be defended by the constitution and self-understanding of revolutionary state power as the dictatorship of the proletariat.

　　(5)The revolutionary struggle is favoured by alliances of the working class with oppressed non-proletarian classes and popular strata. 

　　Last but not least, the October Revolution showed the importance and value of a successful alliance policy of the working class and its Marxist-Leninist party. In Russia in 1917, the peasantry was not only a natural but also a necessary ally of the revolutionary working class in the struggle against the capitalists and landowners. At first glance, the significance of the peasantry as the numerically largest section of the population in Russia appears to be a historical and national peculiarity of the October Revolution. Nevertheless, a general and international principle of revolutionary struggle in the age of imperialism can be derived from the revolutionary alliance policy of the Bolsheviks towards the peasantry. 

　　The imperialist stage of capitalism, monopoly capitalism, means the economic rule of the monopoly bourgeoisie, of finance capital. The monopolies in the industrial, banking, agricultural and commercial sectors do not only exploit the working class in the old manner, but also make all non-monopolistic classes and strata of the population subject to tribute - this is the basis of monopoly profits that go beyond the normal average profit. The fact of this opposition of broad social strata, well beyond the proletariat, to monopoly capital is the objective possibility for the working class and its Marxist-Leninist party to organise anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist alliances. On this basis, popular movements against monopoly power and land oligarchy, against de-democratisation and militarisation, against imperialist oppression and war are possible. The establishment of a popular movement of this kind can open up new revolutionary perspectives. A successful struggle of an anti-monopolist and anti-imperialist popular movement can reorganise the social balance of power to the disadvantage of the monopolies and imperialism in general, in favour of the working people in urban areas and the countryside. This would favour the continued struggle for socialism, towards which the most advanced sections of this movement - the communists - must always be oriented. It would then be up to the communists to unite the struggles and lead them to socialist revolution.

　　(6) The socialist revolution can also be successful in backward countries. Capitalism in the stage of imperialism is ripe for socialist revolution on a world scale. 

　　Tsarist Russia before the First World War was a relatively backward country, especially in relation to the main imperialist powers in Western and Central Europe. For this reason, many social democrats in particular rushed to predict an imminent end to the Russian Revolution in 1917. But the successful defence of Soviet power, socialist construction in the USSR and, not least, the great victory of the Red Army and the peoples of the USSR over the fascist aggressors in the Second World War proved these people wrong. 

　　In fact, the material conditions for socialism in Russia in 1917 were not ideal. Although there were already large industrial centres and a numerically significant proletariat, the majority of the country was economically backward, 80 percent of the population lived from agriculture and there were still remnants of feudalism in the backcountry. The Social Democrats and other opponents of the October Revolution were of the opinion that capitalism in Russia, measured against the development of the productive forces, was simply not yet ready for socialism. 

　　However, the Bolsheviks found ways to tackle economic backwardness and the supposed lack of a material basis for socialism. The first means of doing so were the “New Economic Policy” (NEP) phase introduced by Lenin and the GOELRO plan. With the accelerated collectivisation of agriculture and the introduction of the five-year plans by Stalin, the special phase of the NEP was ended and three important tasks were carried out by 1941: accelerated industrialisation, the change in class relations in the countryside and the development of the socialist school and education system. With these measures, the USSR created a material economic and social basis within a very short time, on which it was able to withstand even the greatest military machinery of destruction, that of German fascism. 

　　This is the proof that even relatively backward countries can follow a path of socialist development within a few years that puts them on a par with the most advanced capitalist industrialised countries. Such “catch-up” development may be difficult and require great effort and sacrifice, but the USSR has shown that it is possible. The fact that the USSR had to and was able to accomplish these endeavours without the help of allied states underlines the achievement of the peoples of the USSR and the leadership of the CPSU during these years. 

　　The successful socialist construction in a single, isolated country that was constantly under threat from outside also gave the lie to all the pseudo-Marxist right-wing and radical left-wing “theorists of world revolution”, who believed that the USSR would not be able to survive if the revolution in Western and Central Europe failed to materialise. Lenin and Stalin admitted that the USSR faced a difficult task with this historical fact, but it would never have occurred to them to capitulate because of it. 

　　Of course, the working class of each individual country, with the support of allies such as the peasantry, can defeat its own capitalists autonomously and build socialism in that country autonomously - after all, this is the most fundamental task and the most important contribution of the working class of each nation to proletarian internationalism and the world revolution. Of course, there is no guarantee for the finality of such a victory in a country, because there is always the possibility of imperialist intervention. But in the case of the USSR, the fascist invasion of 1941, which was intended to bring about the destruction of the first state-established workers’ power, was not only unsuccessful, but, conversely, the victory of the Red Army over fascism opened up socialist paths of development for other nations in Eastern Europe and subsequently worldwide, which were utilised with varying degrees of success. Ultimately, as history has also shown, the USSR could not be defeated by world imperialism as long as it was not internally distorted by revisionism and traitors were at work in the CPSU. 

　　An essential characteristic of imperialism is that it is decaying, parasitic and dying capitalism. Imperialism is the eve of socialist revolution. In this sense, today’s capitalism on a world scale is ripe for socialist revolution. In every country, be it a country of the centres or the periphery, the socialist revolution can therefore be successful. In the economically more backward countries with a numerically smaller working class, alliances with oppressed popular strata will be necessary for this, but the overthrow of the national and imperialist exploiters is also on the historical agenda there.

　　(7) The struggle against revisionism is of central importance for the struggle for socialism. 

　　The history of the Bolsheviks and the October Revolution shows that the relentless struggle against revisionism and opportunism in the labour movement is of decisive importance for the struggle for socialism. From the founding of the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party to the October Revolution, there was a fierce ideological struggle in the Russian labour movement. The victory of the October Revolution was only possible because the Bolsheviks won this struggle. Lenin’s party was liberated from bourgeois influences, revisionist views and non-Marxist approaches to strategy and tactics. This was a prerequisite for the creation of a Marxist militant party of the Russian working class that was able and willing to bring the revolution in Russia to a successful conclusion. 

　　Today, as in Lenin’s time in the international labour movement, revisionism is still present in a harmful way in the international communist movement - or, more precisely, at least present in parties and organisations that call themselves communist. If the international communist movement wants to lead the revolutionary struggle for socialism successfully, it must bring about a break with all petty-bourgeois, revisionist and opportunist influences and elements. 

　　The struggle against revisionism of old and new types demands the defence and creative further development of Marxism-Leninism. In ideological terms, this means defending the Marxist-Leninist world view; it means building communist theory, programme and strategy on the basic positions of Marxism-Leninism, in particular on the unadulterated Marxist theory of the state, on Lenin’s theory of imperialism, on the Leninist understanding of the party, on the proletarian and anti-imperialist internationalism of the working people and in defence of the right of nations to self-determination. In practical terms, communists must repeatedly expose the harmfulness of revisionism, reformism and opportunism in the labour movement and confront workers with their interests. In the discussion about the history of the labour movement, communists must emphasise and defend the historical role and significance of the Soviet Union and the socialist states of Europe. Last but not least, this requires highlighting the historical significance of the October Revolution and its importance for the present.

　　(8) Imperialism as a world system must be opposed by a communist world movement on a Marxist-Leninist basis. 

　　The victory of the Bolshevik Revolution and the failure of the Mensheviks in Russia in 1917 simultaneously marked the practical victory of Marxism against revisionism, opportunism and reformism. Accordingly, the founding of the Communist International in opposition to the old Second International meant the application of the same realisation to the international level. 

　　Even today, alongside the well-known, openly pro-imperialist social democracy,a new revisionism is developing in formally communist or formerly communist parties, which are creating international structures of anti-communist character.The anti-revisionist, Marxist-Leninist communists must reject these projects and oppose these attempts to form a reformist-revisionist and in part openly anti-Marxist “left” with a class-conscious, internationalist, anti-imperialist and solidary co-operation of the international communist movement on a Marxist-Leninist basis.  

　　However, the need for a strong international communist movement on a Marxist-Leninist basis arises not only and not primarily in the sense of differentiation from revisionism, but from the fact that imperialism is a world system. The current stage of the capitalist internationalisation process means the capitalist form of socialisation of labour on a global scale. The struggle for the redivision of the world and for imperialist hegemony means the militarisation of the imperialist states. Not only this intra-imperialist competition, but also the limited collective imperialism in alliance constellations is increasingly expressing itself today in imperialist wars, proxy wars, interventions and military occupations. The dismantling of democratic rights, the constant attacks on human rights and international law serve to repressively secure this entire new development of the aggressive nature of imperialism. Humanity is threatened by imperialist wars on a previously unimagined scale, a new world war under the conditions of the existence and operational readiness of thousands of nuclear warheads on earth. 

　　The aggressions and threats of international monopoly capital and its imperialist states and alliances must first be countered by popular movements for democracy, self-determination, peace and social rights worldwide. These popular movements must be linked globally; they must act in a coordinated, joint and solidary manner. The only consistently internationalist force is the communist movement, which will play the central role here. It is up to it to ultimately point the way for these movements. In order for it to fulfil this task, the international communist movement needs to be strengthened. A strong international communist movement strengthens the communist movements in the individual countries - and vice versa. Such parties will be able to equip people with class consciousness and socialist awareness so that Marxist-Leninist theory takes hold of the masses, becomes the practice of revolutionary class struggle and enables the working class to complete its historical mission. 

　　The October Revolution also teaches us in this respect. The founding of the Communist International in the wake of the October Revolution meant not only the structural, political, material and ideological support of the USSR by the workers of the whole world, but also, conversely, the support of the communist parties in the individual, still capitalist countries by the Communist International, the CPSU and the USSR. 

　　If the world communist movement succeeds today in reorganising itself on a Marxist-Leninist basis, the communist movement will move from the defensive, in which it still largely finds itself, to the offensive. This may be a difficult task, but it is unavoidable as long as humanity is faced with the alternative: socialism or barbarism.

　　Editor: Zhong Yao、Huang He

　　From: http://www.solidnet.org/article/Party-of-Labour-of-Austria-On-the-significance-of-the-October-Revolution-for-the-present-day/（2023-11-14）